The work of defending civil liberties goes on

ACLU of Pennsylvania Executive Director Reggie Shuford addresses the crowd at the “Show Love for the Constitution” event. | February 15, 2017. (credit: Ben Bowens)

Dear supporter,

In some ways, our country changed on November 8. The United States elected a leader who, by all measures, is hostile to the basic foundations and principles that we stand for. President Trump and his regime deserve every ounce of pushback we can gather, and the ACLU will be on the front lines of the resistance.

And yet, at the ACLU of Pennsylvania, we have always taken the long view. Issues that are with us today were with us before November 8 and, to one degree or another, would have continued regardless of who was elected, including mass incarceration, police brutality, inequality for gay and transgender people, and efforts to compromise women’s access to reproductive healthcare.

You may have heard that there has been a major increase in giving to the ACLU since the election. While much of that growth has occurred at the national level, in fact, here in Pennsylvania, our membership has tripled. We saw a notable rise in donations after Election Day, but the real surge of giving happened after the weekend of the Muslim Ban. It was in that moment that many Pennsylvanians realized the significance of the threat to our values and to the people we most cherish.

You have put your trust in the ACLU in these challenging times. We are grateful for that trust and take it as a responsibility. Thank you.

The generous outpouring of support we’ve received in recent months has allowed us to think big about our work. It is my intention to add new staff to our existing staff of 22. Our current team has the talent, skills, and persistence to take on the many challenges before us. I also know that we can advance the cause of civil liberties throughout Pennsylvania by bringing even more talented people on board. The times demand it. Your support enables it.

In the months ahead, you’ll hear more about our Smart Justice campaign, our effort to reform, reinvent, and revamp the criminal justice system; our Transgender Public Education and Advocacy Project; the campaign for District Attorney in Philadelphia; the many bills we’re advocating for and against at the state capitol; and more litigation to push back against government excesses wherever they occur.

The ACLU of Pennsylvania is prepared to thwart the Trump administration’s worst instincts as they play out in the commonwealth.

And state and municipal officials aren’t off the hook. We’re working with immigrant communities to monitor federal immigration enforcement tactics while also standing with municipal governments that insist they won’t bend to every demand of ICE. We’re insisting that the commonwealth keeps its commitment to open beds for people who are too ill to stand trial and are being warehoused in local jails. We’re working at the state legislature to defeat efforts to hide the identity of police who seriously injure and kill people and to hide video that captures police brutality from the public. And we are active in ongoing struggles to diminish police presence in schools, to stop rollbacks of women’s reproductive healthcare, and to fight the practice of jailing people for their debts.

The ACLU of Pennsylvania has the infrastructure and the experience to defend civil rights at every turn. Consider some of our recent work:

  • Our legal team successfully freed travelers who were detained at Philadelphia International Airport the weekend of Muslim Ban 1.0, our advocacy team supported the protests at airports in Philly and Pittsburgh, and our communications staff echoed the message to #LetThemIn.
  • Two weeks ago, we settled a lawsuit against the School District of Lancaster for denying enrollment at its regular high school for older refugee students. Older refugee students will now be able to attend the regular high school instead of being segregated at an alternative school.
  • Over the last month, our legislative director has been busy at the state capitol in Harrisburg lobbying against efforts to reinstate mandatory minimum sentencing, which has been suspended for two years due to court rulings.
  • In tandem with allies, our advocacy team has launched the Philadelphia Coalition for a Just District Attorney, an effort to push the candidates for district attorney to commit to reforming the criminal justice system.
  • Last week, our lawyers filed to intervene to defend a school in Berks County that has been sued for affirming its students’ gender identity. We’re representing a transgender student and a youth advocacy organization who would be harmed if the lawsuit successfully overturns the school’s practice.

These five examples are just from the last two months. In fact, four of them happened in the last two weeks.

My favorite playwright, Pittsburgh native August Wilson, said this about gratitude in his play Two Trains Running:  “You walking around here with a ten-gallon bucket. Somebody put a little cupful in and you get mad ’cause it’s empty. You can’t go through life carrying a ten-gallon bucket. Get you a little cup. That’s all you need. Get you a little cup and somebody put a bit in and it’s half-full.”

Well, thanks to you, our ten-gallon bucket runneth over.


Reggie Shuford
Executive Director, ACLU of Pennsylvania

No quick or easy remedy for Philadelphia’s profitable forfeiture machine

By Molly Tack-Hooper, Staff Attorney, ACLU of Pennsylvania

Pennsylvania’s Controlled Substances Forfeiture Act allow all seized assets to go directly to the offices of prosecutors. The ACLU-PA found that prosecutors overwhelmingly target disadvantaged individuals without the means to fight the forfeiture in court. Photo from

In a class action challenge to Philadelphia’s forfeiture practices, a federal district court ruled on February 23 that people who have lost property through forfeiture will have to file separate lawsuits to be compensated, even if the court finds some of Philadelphia’s practices unconstitutional. The ruling underscored one key message: that relief for the victims of this deeply broken system is still a long way off.

The lawsuit, Sourovelis v. City of Philadelphia, was filed by the Institute for Justice (a Washington, DC-based property rights group) with the assistance of local civil rights hero David Rudovsky in the summer of 2014. It was filed at the same time that ACLU-PA was forming a broad-based Coalition for Forfeiture Reform to push for statewide legislative change to Pennsylvania’s civil forfeiture laws. On both groups’ agenda was removing the direct financial incentive for prosecutors’ offices to aggressively pursue forfeiture.

Under Pennsylvania’s Controlled Substances Forfeiture Act, 100 percent of the proceeds from forfeiture go directly to the offices of the prosecutors who make decisions about what property to go after for forfeiture, who to target, and how ruthlessly to litigate forfeiture cases. In every county examined by the ACLU-PA, prosecutors disproportionately targeted people of color for forfeiture, taking mostly small amounts of cash where owners had little incentive to fight the forfeiture in court.

Senate and House bills would have removed this pecuniary incentive to use forfeiture overzealously and target people who can’t fight back by diverting forfeiture proceeds to a general fund instead. But in 2016, these bills were gutted at the urging of the Pennsylvania District Attorneys Association to remove all of the major reform components.

The current statute specifies that prosecutors are supposed to use forfeited property for drug enforcement, community-based drug- and crime-fighting programs, or relocation and protection of witnesses in criminal cases. However, the Sourovelis complaint alleges that, in Philadelphia, forfeiture proceeds are split between the police and District Attorney’s office and used in part to pay prosecutors’ salaries. The lawsuit makes the somewhat novel claim that the prosecutors’ financial stake in the outcome of forfeiture cases denies property owners due process.

In May 2015, the trial court rejected the City’s bid to throw out this due process claim, ruling that it couldn’t decide the claim without first resolving a factual dispute between the parties about whether the DA’s office actually used its forfeiture proceeds as contemplated by statute or used it for salaries.

In its February 23 ruling, the court made clear that even if the court ultimately sides with the plaintiffs and rules that the Philadelphia DA’s stake in the outcome of forfeiture cases is unconstitutional, the court will not order the return of all class members’ forfeited property. Rather, anyone who has lost property in Philadelphia to forfeiture would then have to file an individual lawsuit to determine what relief they’re entitled to.

With meaningful legislative reform seemingly off the table in Harrisburg and the federal trial court sending a signal that the Sourovelis lawsuit will not provide a quick or easy remedy for the victims of Philadelphia’s profitable forfeiture machine, it looks like Pennsylvanians will remain vulnerable to forfeiture abuse for a while longer.


(Criminal justice news that could use a second look.)

The ACLU is updating its police body camera recommendations to clarify public release guidelines and improve accountability. Photo by Ryan Johnson.

“In Pennsylvania, Black students were four and a half times more likely to be arrested than White students. This rate is two and a half times greater than the national rate for Black students. While Black students made up only 15% of student enrollment, they were 40% of the students arrested in Pennsylvania — a total of 2,074 Black students were arrested in 2013–14. In contrast, White students made up 69% of public students, but received 41% of student arrests.”

  • From ACLU National: “We’re Updating Our Police Body Camera Recommendations for Even Better Accountability and Civil Liberties Protections”

“We have also added language stipulating that police departments cannot use ‘investigative privilege’ as a basis for withholding footage where the suspect is a police officer (who likely is the one who recorded the video and has been allowed to see it). As we argue at greater length here, the rationale for such a privilege (tipping off suspects) does not apply when the suspect is a police officer. We do allow that redaction, subject to limitations, can be used in such situations.”

THE APPEAL — The Appeal is a weekly newsletter helping to keep you informed about criminal justice news in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and beyond. If you’d like to receive this weekly newsletter, you can subscribe here.

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ACLU Week in Review

By Ben Bowens, Communications Associate, ACLU of Pennsylvania

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June 15 – July 3

It’s been a pretty crazy couple of weeks for the ACLU of Pennsylvania. While the Pittsburgh and Harrisburg offices were getting accustomed to new spaces, we packed up the Philadelphia office, relocated to a new building across town and were just getting settled in when… *BOOM* The Supreme Court ruled in favor of equality and we were off to celebrate the freedom to marry at rallies across the state!!! This week in review (okay, more like “half-month review”) is chocked full of excellent ACLU content from the keystone state and beyond.


June 26th: A Historic Day for Equality

June 26, 2015. Twelve years to the day after the Supreme Court struck down bans on sodomy in Lawrence v. Texas. Two years to the day after the Supreme Court struck down the Defense of Marriage Act in United States v. Windsor. Today, the Supreme Court of the United States has held that states may not deny marriage licenses to same-sex couples and must recognize same-sex couples’ existing marriages. read more…

Supreme Court Ruling Makes Same-Sex Marriage a Right Nationwide

The Directors Guild of America says networks and studios are to blame for the “deplorable” dearth of female directors in Hollywood, following a call by the American Civil Liberties Union for an investigation into the industry’s “systemic failure” to hire female directors. read more…

It’s time to “fix forfeiture”

ACLU of PA Welcomes Nationwide Effort to “Fix Forfeiture”

A group of national organizations announced their new nationwide effort to “fix forfeiture” in Harrisburg today, a move welcomed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania. The mission of the new coalition of ideologically diverse partners is to reform state and federal laws on civil asset forfeiture, a legal process that allows law enforcement to take and keep property it claims is connected to crime, without ever convicting or even charging the property owner with a crime. read more…

Registry for PA strippers

Baring it all: Pennsylvania lawmakers want a registry for strippers

Don’t tell his wife, but Big Brother is headed to the strip club. More than 60 state lawmakers are sponsoring a bill that would increase regulation over adult-oriented clubs, including a registry of strippers, banning alcohol and even creating a buffer zone between dancers and patrons that appears to effectively prohibit lap dances. read more…

House hunting while black

Black Americans unfairly targeted by banks before housing crisis, says ACLU

Black Americans were unequally issued loans on unfavorable terms during the sub-prime loan bonanza that prefigured the housing crisis and are still suffering in its aftermath, a new report from the American Civil Liberties Union has found. The resulting economic downturn has adversely affected them to a much greater degree than white homeowners, said the ACLU’s Rachel Goodman, who said the findings suggest banks knowingly preyed on black mortgage-seekers when it came to issuing sub-prime more…

Michigan launches Mobile Justice

ACLU of Michigan launches free app for recording, reporting police misconduct

Putting a high-tech twist on its long-time role as a government-accountability watchdog, the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan announced recently the launch of Mobile Justice MI, a free downloadable mobile-device application that allows users to record and quickly report police misconduct. read more…

Another appeal for information about drone strikes

New York Times, ACLU Make Case For Access To Drone Strike Memos

The American Civil Liberties Union and the New York Times continued their fight in court Tuesday as they try to secure nine Department of Justice memos they believe outline the federal government’s legal justification for tactical drone strikes that have killed hundreds — including U.S. citizens — across the world. read more…

ACLU Week in Review

By Ben Bowens, Communications Associate, ACLU of Pennsylvania


June 1 – June 5
This week we set our sights on reforming Pennsylvania’s flawed civil asset forfeiture practices. After releasing a report entitled “Guilty Property: How Law Enforcement Takes $1 Million in Cash from Innocent Philadelphians Every Year — and Gets Away with It,” we, along with our coalition partners, held a press conference announcing our support of legislation aimed at reform. Check out the report, listen to our legislative director explain the issue and read some other ACLU stories making headlines this week below.

Let’s reform asset forfeiture in Pennsylvania!

New ACLU Report Shows Philadelphia DA Seizes $1 Million in Cash Annually from Innocent Philadelphians

The ACLU of Pennsylvania today released a new report that documents the impact of Pennsylvania’s unfair civil asset forfeiture laws and the aggressive enforcement of these laws by the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Office. Civil asset forfeiture is a legal mechanism that allows law enforcement to take and keep property it claims is connected to illegal activity without charging the property owner with a crime. read more…

ACLU Supports Legislation to Reform PA’s Asset Forfeiture Laws

The Directors Guild of America says networks and studios are to blame for the “deplorable” dearth of female directors in Hollywood, following a call by the American Civil Liberties Union for an investigation into the industry’s “systemic failure” to hire female directors. read more…

Andy Hoover on The Rick Smith Show

Michigan launches a Mobile Justice app!

Mich. joins other states with ACLU app to record police

A mobile app that allows residents to film police encounters on their phone, and send them to the ACLU moments after the recording is over is becoming available in more states.The ACLU of Michigan is the latest state chapter to roll out an app called “Mobile Justice.” read more… PA’s app is coming soon!!!

ACLU of North Carolina turns 50

ACLU of North Carolina celebrates 50th anniversary

The American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina will mark the 50th anniversary of its founding by sparking conversations about the civil liberty issues the group has tackled over the years.The ACLU-NC will commemorate the anniversary on Sunday with a panel and history exhibit at the Levine Museum of the New South in Charlotte. read more…

ACLU pushing for police reform in Minneapolis

ACLU presses Minneapolis to move on police reforms

American Civil Liberties Union leaders laid out their list of recommended police reforms Thursday as they called on Minneapolis officials to help reduce racial disparities in the criminal justice system. An ACLU report made public last week found that people arrested in Minneapolis for low level crimes were nearly nine times more likely to be black or Native American than white. read more…

12 Things You Need to Know About Civil Asset Forfeiture

By Ben Bowens, Communications Associate, ACLU of Pennsylvania

You’ve probably been hearing a lot about civil asset forfeiture recently. It’s been in the news, featured on John Oliver’s Last Week Tonight and we’ve been talking about it a lot lately. Since this issue can get bogged down with a lot of legal jargon, I’ve decided to break down the most important aspects of this practice in a way everyone can understand… GIFS! (Most of this will fill you with rage. You have been warned!)

1. Civil asset forfeiture is a law enforcement practice that lets police take property they claim is tied to a crime. The problem with that is that the law doesn’t actually require police to charge or convict anyone of a crime before taking their stuff. Wait, what?

2. You may not be guilty, but according to the police, your stuff (and your money) is. Yes, prosecutors can file forfeiture claims against your property in civil court. (See United States v. Article Consisting of 50,000 Cardboard Boxes More or Less, Each Containing One Pair of Clacker Balls) What the…?

3. SHOW UP! According to research, the majority of civil forfeitures are “by default” meaning the property owner didn’t show up and the prosecutors never had to offer proof to a judge. Oh, come on now!

4. Often times, many owners aren’t even notified that their property has been forfeited. That feeling you have in the pit of your stomach is rage building.

5. The cost of court vs. the amount you’ve already lost. Often times the value of the property taken is relatively small (like $200 cash), meaning that hiring a lawyer and taking time off work could potentially be more financially taxing than what you’ve already lost. U mad?

6. Pennsylvania makes $13 Million in profits from forfeitures annually. (Check out the stats!)

7. All of the money goes to the prosecutors and the police budgets. Hmmm… can you say financial motive?

8. Things get worse when you’re brown. According to the ACLU, asset forfeiture practices often go hand-in-hand with racial profiling and disproportionately impact low-income African-American or Hispanic people.

9. Philly is by far the worst offender in Pennsylvania! The city of brotherly love’s police force rakes in about $5 million each year, with the DA’s share accounting for 10% of the budget. Turns out it’s rarely sunny in Philadelphia 🙁

10. Is reform even possible? Maybe, states like Minnesota and Utah and D.C. have taken steps to reform forfeiture by disrupting profit incentives and forcing convictions. However, before you can ‘fix’ the law, you’d first need to fix the idea behind the law.

11. What is criminal asset forfeiture? Thanks for asking! CRIIMINAL asset forfeiture is when law enforcement is only able to take your stuff if its actually part of an underlying criminal case AND only after you’ve been convicted of an actual crime. A faint light is starting to appear at the end of the tunnel!

12. Remove the profit motive! What if the money and property seized from legitimate forfeiture claims went to the state or county funds? Seems like you’d have about $13 million extra lying around to fund all sorts of things like, I don’t know, EDUCATION!

TAKE ACTION NOW! The silver lining on all of this is that you can do something about it RIGHT NOW! We’ve set up a page that will allow you to contact your state representative and urge them to support legislation that is being introduced this session. If you’re an organization, you can also join the Coalition for Forfeiture Reform.

Ben Ben Bowens is a social and digital media specialist. Before joining the ACLU of Pennsylvania as the Communications Associate, he served as the Digital Media Producer for CBS3/KYW-TV, where he covered the 2008 election and launched the station’s social media presence.

Part II: How to Reform Forfeiture

By Scott Kelly, Legal & Policy Fellow, ACLU of Pennsylvania

Civil Asset Graphic_1_Logo

Last week in Part I of our blog series on forfeiture, “Why Civil Forfeiture Is Broken”, we talked about how reporter Isaiah Thompson pulled a thread and unraveled the story of civil forfeiture in Philadelphia. In other counties and other states, reporters and commentators have been pulling their own threads, leading to exposés of forfeiture abuse both small and large, both deadly serious and seriously funny.

The result of all this attention is that the tide is turning against a practice that lets the government take people’s property with near total impunity – and meaningful forfeiture reform finally looks like a real possibility. States like Minnesota and Utah and the District of Columbia have already taken positive steps in the direction of reform – by, for example, disrupting the profit incentive and strengthening the burdens of proof prosecutors must meet to forfeit property. And United States Attorney General Eric Holder recently issued a policy order limiting the ability of state law enforcement to profit from civil forfeitures under federal law.

Beyond Repair

But the lessons of the past caution against trying to “fix” civil forfeiture. Over a decade ago, Congress tried exactly that when it passed a comprehensive overhaul of federal civil forfeiture law meant to address the disturbingly high number of defaults – forfeitures that happened without a property owner even reaching a hearing before a judge. Called the Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act of 2000, the legislation enacted a number of supposed “fixes,” including a provision forcing the government to prove its case and another awarding attorneys’ fees to owners who successfully defended their property against forfeiture. But even with these added restraints in place, the federal government civilly forfeits more assets today than ever before, leading commentators to conclude that “virtually nothing has changed.”

That’s because civil forfeiture isn’t a broken law. It’s a broken idea rooted in a fundamental contradiction: that the government can forfeit property connected to a crime without proving that the crime actually happened. The only way to “fix” this basic contradiction is to abandon it. Even former heads of the federal government’s Asset Forfeiture Office agree, writing in a recent Washington Post Op-Ed that civil forfeiture is “unreformable.”

A Better Way

Gavel graphic

Meaningful forfeiture reform has to end “unreformable” civil forfeiture laws and replace them with a system that works. That system – called criminal asset forfeiture – requires that forfeiture happens only as part of an underlying criminal case and only after a person is convicted of an actual crime. Criminal forfeiture already exists as one option under Pennsylvania law, but legislation should make it the exclusive procedure for forfeiture. That way every property owner facing forfeiture would get the full range of protections the Framers provided for people accused of crimes.

Good forfeiture reform would also put an end to the profit motive by making sure the proceeds from forfeiture go into a general pot, like the state treasury or county fund, instead of directly into the coffers of law enforcement. This ensures that law enforcement makes decisions based on what is best for the community, not their budgets. And it’s not like the funding for pursuing forfeiture would suddenly dry up. Police and prosecutors would simply have to fund forfeiture enforcement in the same way they fund every other type of enforcement: through the normal, democratically-accountable budgeting process.

Take Action

Police and prosecutors defend forfeiture as an important tool in their battle against drugs and other societal blights, and neither of these reforms would stand in the way of that. If anything, requiring a conviction and ending the profit incentive make forfeiture more effective, by ensuring it’s used against the right people and for the right reasons.

In Harrisburg, a group of legislators are standing up for ordinary Pennsylvanians and plan to introduce legislation in the state House and Senate to enact both of these reforms. The ACLU of Pennsylvania strongly supports these efforts and calls on our members to contact their representatives to do the same. Advocacy groups interested in seeing our state’s forfeiture laws reformed can also join the Coalition for Forfeiture Reform. And maybe together we can end civil forfeiture once and for all.

Scott Kelly Scott Kelly joined the ACLU in February of 2014 and currently serves as a legal & policy fellow. Scott received his law degree from Columbia University School of Law and his undergraduate degree from Yale University. His current work focuses on civil liberties issues connected to property rights and the criminal justice system.

Part I: Why Civil Asset Forfeiture Is Broken

By Scott Kelly, Columbia Law School Social Justice Fellow, ACLU of Pennsylvania

Counties rake in over $13 million in profits from civil forfeiture on a yearly basis.

Counties rake in over $13 million in profits from civil forfeiture on a yearly basis.

Three years ago, Isaiah Thompson, a Philadelphia-area reporter, got a tip about police seizing money from a man without arresting him. Law enforcement took the cash, and that was it. No lawyers were called. No charges were filed. The money just disappeared.

The tip intrigued Thompson. And over the following weeks and months, the reporter pulled on that single thread – a guy and his vanished cash – to unravel the story behind a sprawling system of property seizures that had until then existed in the murky shadows of Pennsylvania’s justice system.

“Guilty” Property and Innocent Owners

Many innocent property owners give up, because disputing the forfeiture of their property costs more than the property is worth.

Many innocent property owners give up, because disputing the forfeiture of their property costs more than the property is worth.

That system – called “civil asset forfeiture” – lets police take property they claim is tied to a crime. But as Thompson’s reporting would painstakingly document, the perverse thing about civil forfeiture is that the law doesn’t actually require police to convict or even charge anyone with an alleged crime.

This is because, in the strange world of civil forfeiture, the property itself is considered “guilty” – a legal concept that dates to medieval times and long since should have gone the way of feudalism. But it’s on the basis of this absurd, antiquated fiction that prosecutors are allowed to file forfeiture petitions against property in civil court, instead of against humans in criminal court. In this way, prosecutors avoid the constitutional protections that apply to criminal defendants, including appointed counsel and stronger burdens of proof.

With the deck stacked against property owners like this, it’s no wonder that so many of them don’t contest the loss of their seized cash, cars, and homes. In one article, Thompson indicated that roughly 80 percent of all civil forfeitures in Philadelphia were “by default” – meaning the property owner didn’t dispute the forfeiture and the prosecutors never had to offer any proof to a judge. The relatively scant reporting from other counties suggests similar or worse patterns in other parts of the state. A review by LancasterOnline of all the cases filed in Lancaster County since 2013 revealed that the number of times a property owner filed an answer to a forfeiture petition could be counted on one hand.

Of course, some default forfeitures are criminals throwing up their hands and saying “you got me.” But in many cases, it’s the deep-rooted unfairness of civil forfeiture itself that’s at play. Anecdotal evidence indicates that many owners aren’t even notified by prosecutors that their property is being forfeited. Others decide to walk away from their property, because they simply don’t have the time to show up for the multiple court dates required to get it back.

Perhaps the most disturbing explanation for these defaults is that the value of the property at stake is often pretty small – say, $200 – and the costs of hiring an attorney and taking time off work much higher. Faced with this grim math, a completely innocent person will not “contest” the forfeiture, because the system won’t allow it. Forfeiture in those cases is nothing less than state-sanctioned theft, with law enforcement taking money directly from the wallets of regular Pennsylvanians and putting it in their own pockets.

Bulging Pockets

The above is an excerpt from an agreement between the Philadelphia District Attorney and police, divvying up the profits from civil forfeiture.

The above is an excerpt from an agreement between the Philadelphia District Attorney and police, divvying up the profits from civil forfeiture.

And take money from people’s pockets, civil forfeiture does. Annual reports released by the Pennsylvania Attorney General show that civil forfeiture generates a staggering $13 million in profits each year across the state, with some counties taking in upwards of $1 million annually.

All of this money is then split between the prosecutors and police and deposited directly into their budgets. To many critics, this is the rotten cherry on top of the whole melted sundae of unfairness that is civil forfeiture: the very agencies entrusted with enforcing forfeiture have a direct financial motive to go after as much property as possible.

The incentive is so perverse that even the umpires are starting to complain, with the President Judge of the Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court going so far as to remark that the DA’s conflict of interest “severely undermines” confidence in our state’s justice system.

To put the power of this conflict into perspective, take the example of Philadelphia District Attorney Seth Williams and his civil forfeiture machine. Philadelphia law enforcement rakes in approximately $5 million every year from forfeiture, and the DA’s share of those profits account for nearly 10 percent of his budget.

Philadelphia law enforcement may be the worst offenders, but other counties aren’t far behind. Law enforcement from Montgomery, Allegheny, Dauphin, Delaware, Lancaster, and Bucks counties all seize upwards of $500,000 in private property on a yearly basis.

Profits like this fuel a vicious cycle of injustice. As civil forfeiture swells budgets, law enforcement pours ever more resources into pursuing civil forfeiture, boosting profits even higher. It’s gotten so bad that the district attorney in one Pennsylvania county has taken to awarding “forfeiture bonuses” to his staff.

There may have been good intentions when our state’s civil forfeiture laws were passed 30 years ago, but those days are long gone. Civil forfeiture today has become like a bad magic trick where property vanishes from the hands of innocent owners never to be seen again.

Check back next week for Part II of our series where we’ll talk about the basic reforms that could fix our state’s broken forfeiture laws…

Scott Kelly Scott Kelly joined the ACLU in February of 2014. He is a recent honors graduate of Columbia Law School, where he received the Milton B. Conford Book Prize for the best essay on jurisprudence.